Senza Censura N.4 - Marzo 2001




Anti-imperialism and strategy

Senza Censura meets representatives of Palestinian organisations


We've chosen to devote the section "Counter-revolutionary strategies" of the current issue of "Senza Censura" to the situation recently developing in the Middle East around the Palestinian struggle.

We didn't make that in order to celebrate it or because we believe that the analysis about the process going on within the NATO is complete (we'll resume it in the next issue). On the contrary, we're doing it based on the need, which is closely connected with our work, of setting the analysis of the restructuring processes in a wide context and within real prospects of liberation as we're aware that this aspect attaches a real meaning to our small editorial effort.


Only trying to stress the global scale of counter-revolution, we'll be able to overcome the quicksand of the geopolitical analyses where the real struggles tone down into a virtual scene and aren't able to interact with the enemy strategies, remaining as a consequence specific and local struggles.

Our editorial staff has tried to determine, analyse, and overcome this risk. However, we aren't free from it as it reflects the weakness of the international and anti-imperialist movement.


Therefore, it's of great importance for us trying to analyse a specific conflict (although an important one such as the Palestinian struggle) within the general prospects of the struggle between the international proletariat and imperialist bourgeoisie. The same, we hold important to do it starting from the strategies of the vanguards of this struggle, from their limits and prospects.


In this way we can also set the analysis of the NATO within a real context and understand its policies of enlargement, as well as the relationships between Europe and the US, the strategic alliances in the Mediterranean area and also secondary contradictions as connected with the primary contradiction.

We don't propose a preconceived or complete analysis, but we'd like to discuss about a few themes that, in our opinion, should be underlined and socialised.


Therefore, we start describing the problems suffered by the subjects of the Palestinian struggle, focusing them as a major evidence of the imperialist project in this area, and underlining also the role of the Zionism and the occupying army.


These problems aren't so much different from those experienced by those people who live in the imperialist centre and, being aware of this need, try to reunite within the dynamics of a global conflict all the struggles developed about specific and local problems.

With this purpose, we've met representatives of the Palestinian organisations which have opposed the project of imperialist normalisation. An abstract reasoning about the development of an anti-imperialist perspective within the international conflict is perhaps more "correct", and certainly more comforting. However, if we really want to lay the foundations so that this conflict can overcome the limits of a resistance struggle, we have to reckon with the reality, not with our dreams.


The regional context

The Intifadah Al-Aqsa (as we explained in the last issue of the magazine) has given higher incisiveness and awareness to a regional conflict that imperialism could never eliminate.

The Hezbollah's victory in Southern Lebanon has changed the conditions and the possibilities of development of this conflict. On the other hand, the Palestinian struggle - which has taken a great advantage from this defeat of Zionism - has been a powerful means of unity.

All the Palestinian organisations have expressed their opinion about the regional and international context of this struggle.


Hamas (Movement of the Islamic Resistance)


Do you think that your struggle can be only limited to Palestine or that it has a regional and international perspective?


The Palestinian struggle can't be limited only to Palestine. In order to succeed, it requires the intervention of other regional and international organisations.


Is it possible to defeat Zionism without defeating also imperialism?


"Israel" and the Zionist project were established with the support of the Western states, Europe and the United States. Let's think of Sykes-Picot agreements or Balfour statement.

 These hostile powers have played a crucial role in the problems and sufferings of the Palestinian people. They've supported financially and militarily the Zionist project.

Therefore, the defeat of Zionism is possible through the defeat of these enemy powers and their projects of domination.

Great powers can be defeated (as it happened in the past) but the defeat must be an act of awareness of the masses.


PFLP (Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine)


The struggle of Palestinians can be developed and also won here in Palestine or should it be set in a regional and international context?


As Palestinians our duty is to fight against the occupation. As PFLP we aren't alone in the struggle against the oppression and we want that our struggle becomes the driving force for the development of a struggle with a regional and international perspective. However, it doesn't mean that we have to wait for the others.


Is it possible to fight against Zionism and the American and European imperialism without the perspective of fighting also against the US and Europe?


Zionism and imperialism can't be separated. Palestinians are part of the revolutionary and international movement. However, our duty is to fight in Palestine.

On the other hand, we know that any development of the struggle here will make advance also the struggle on an international scale.

The national movements against imperialism are closely connected, but Palestinians can't think of leading others today. We have to do our best here.


Palestinian Islamic Jihad


Intifada Al-Aqsa was influenced by the victory of the Hezbollah on the Zionist army in the Southern Lebanon. It's proved by the fact that various Palestinians leaders constantly refer to Hezbollah politics against the Zionist occupation, and also by the great number of Hezbollah flags shown at every demonstration.

Do you think that a regional co-ordination including all the radical and anti-imperialist organisations, whether Islamic or not, could be established on the base of this awareness?


Hezbollah gave us a good model for the struggle between the Muslims and Jews because after years of "peace negotiations" a lot of people are convinced that we won't get anything from Israel without fighting against the Israeli government and also against the Israelis.

Whoever looks at the conditions of the Arabian people under pro-imperialist regimes and the conditions of the Palestinian people after 7 years of government by the Palestinian Authority can't help thinking that the time of liberation has finally come.


What does Jihad Islamic think about an experience of international co-ordination such as Osama Bin Laden's project?


We're Islamic and our religion brings us close to the poor and weak.

Our hope is to have a good project for the whole mankind, both on an economic and political level.

I believe that Islamic organisations, whatever they are, are closely integrated. Some of them are struggling on a social scale, others are doing it on the economic level and others are leading a political struggle against the United States.


Islamic organisations aren't alone in the struggle against the oppression. A large number of leftist and anti-imperialist organisations and movements are also struggling and trying to co-ordinate their battles. In your opinion these movements could be integrated with the Islamic groups?


Yes, they could. I believe that if we interpret correctly and widely our religion, we can really get something: to give everybody the hope of improving things very easily.

In our religion, all the people are the same and they must all have the same wealth. In fact, our religion provides for the "zakąt" and other forms aimed at reducing inequalities so that everybody can have what he needs for his life. Not as it happens today in Palestine, where a few people own millions of dollars and the great majority of the people are starving. It proves that the Arabian kings and rulers (including Arafat) are the agents of the US and the Western world.


Popular Front-General Command


Is it possible to advance the hypothesis of a co-ordination with the other anti-imperialist and anti-Zionist movements in the region, such as Hezbollah? A co-ordination which gets over the support and solidarity and develops concretely the level of the struggle?


When we talk about the rights of the people, we aren't talking about something that we can reach shortly. The road is difficult.

There's a co-ordination among the Palestinian organisations and we need to establish a relationship not only with Hezbollah but with all the Arabian movements. We also need the economic support and material help from the Arabian States. In order to succeed in our struggle we also need being supported by European movements.

It's very difficult to fight against the US and Israel. However, we have our political line and if we follow it and carry it out, we'll reach our aims.


What do you think of the international perspective of some Islamic organisations that, according to the media, are connected with Osama Bin Laden, and fight imperialism also out of the Arabian world?


We don't agree with the struggle of this movement. However, we don't refuse the solidarity of those people who recognise the Palestinian rights. We're also grateful to the European movements which bring our claims before their institutions.


I was speaking of Osama Bin Laden in a general way, as an example of an international project of struggle against imperialism.


I think that there are a lot of opinions about his struggle. It's an anti-imperialist struggle, but a lot of people don't share it.

In my opinion the Palestinian struggle and Osama Bin Laden's struggle are different, but there's something that unites them. I also believe that plenty of information about this movement are imperialist lies.

Most of Palestinian organisations as well as mine are trying to distancing themselves from it because a different position could generate negative effects . Osama Bin Laden is considered an international criminal.


Ahmed Jibril too...


Yes, but it's different. All the Palestinians are wanted by the US and Israel. George Habbash is wanted too, as well as a lot of representatives of Fatah.

However, I strongly believe that without intensifying the struggle against the US, Israel and imperialism all over the world we'll never get any result.

Finally, I can say that in my opinion Osama Bin Laden's ideology has nothing to see with what Americans and Israeli people say about him, that his struggle is legitimate and that we shouldn't refuse it based on prejudice.


Major issues

Some major issues are coming out of these evaluations. They are of great importance for the anti-imperialist movement, all over the world:

-Is the conflict between the imperialist bourgeoisie and the international proletariat "immediately" set in an international context because of the true nature of capitalism, which in order to face its structural crisis needs to extend its system of domination beyond every limit?

-Is the only possible answer to get ready in order to develop this level of conflict at the best?

-Do we think that the international context of this struggle is absolutely necessary as well as the international co-ordination among the movements, and organisations that understand it?

-As a consequence, which are the characteristics of the process aimed at building this international co-ordination?

-And if the Islamic organisations and their projects of co-ordination are today the most advanced aspect of the struggle against imperialism, can we ignore them only because we don't like them or because they're different from us?

-Isn't it worth trying to know and analyse this phenomenon, in order to get a few elements of knowledge not borrowed from the bombast of that "democratic left", which is today a useful instrument of counter-revolution?

-We don't have ready answers to these questions but we think that we should discuss them as soon as possible.

-We also hope that our magazine can give a contribution to the debate.