SENZA CENSURA n.6
Italy, october 2001
After 4 months we're back. As we explicitly underlined one year ago (SC #3) our main effort is to find theme of analisys useful for reflections and debates to the international class movement. In this context, differently from so many formations belonging to the antiimperialist left, we refused a "geopolitic" approachrefusing to consider the most recent conflicts as interimperialist efforts intended to ridefine areas of interest of the capitalistic countries.
We underlined more than once the need for a deeper comprehension of the readjustement methods the imperialistic countries are using in order to redefine imperialistic poles; a deeper comprehension of the important role of this multinational institution represented by the NATO which, through programs operating in "other" countries (such as the Defence Capability Initiative), is already programming different ways to destroy the international proletariat movement. The only chance available - local/global partnerships - would have reinforced transatlantic relationship with explicit sideeffects on the internal structure of the imperialistic european pole.
We stated this basing ourselves on an historic consideration: differently from previuos means of production, where crisis were determined by misery, in the capitalist production it's the development (unequal) to determine each crisis.
From this perspective, new emerging powers (both economic and demographic) and the objective strengthening - in quality and numbers - of the international proletariat are forcing burgeoise to "revolutionize" its means of production an dits forms of domination both on a political and military level.
At the same time, we stated, analizing the present situation, that the emergence of new areas of struggle, between imperialist burgeoise and the international proletariat, such as countermeetings which, avoiding any analisys of the clumsy attempt to spectacularise them, brought different results from the ones expected, particularly when these new areas have been used in a massive way by the proletariat, including the proletariat of the big cities.
the happenings of these last four month -we're referring to the G8 in Genua (july) and the ones in Washington and New York - confirmed our position posing us, at the same time, a serious problem: how to relate to our work of researcha nd analisys and what's the purpose of this magazine.
The mass movement which accompained and opposed the G8 meeting in Genua exposed various problems and underlined the level of struggle in our countries, and more in general, in all capitalist countries. For this reason we tried to analize them in a specific way in the different articles dealing about it on the current issue of Senza Censura. Nonetheless some nodal points can be discussed here only because of their immediate and practical importance in relation to the future development of class struggle in Italy and Europe. For the first time in our country, after years of demos, a massive class participation in the protests to oppose the New World Order and the transnational institutions has been explicitly evident.
As natural consequences, we observed the emergence of two elements directly connected: a reprise of street's struggles, typical manifestation of the class movement, snd the appearance of a new combating generation characterizing the proletariat in our country and Europe.
The state, the media and their agents in the movement tried to expose "foreign's, terrorists' and Nazi's influence" as the real reason for the turmoil and clashes. Most of the clashes were conducted by young italian proletariat and the only comrade who died was Carlo Giuliani: a young proletariat who died trying to affirm the rights of his class. On the other hand, the political and military apparatus was clearly incapable of containing the movement when it's so effective as in the case of class mobilization.
So as it always happens in this cases, old and new reformists have proposed themselves as representatives of a movement which had already refused them with the old recipe of statal control:localization. This will have a negative effect on the development of the proletariat movement, of the anti-global movement and for the future strikes of the italian workers: reformism's not dead, it's a dead who doesn't wanna die. The very same imperialist burgeoise operates in the same direction, prefering bilateral (as in the case of US and Russia) and distant operational meetings (such as the one of foreign and defence misnisters) to the propagandist and spectacular showcases as we witnessed in Genua.
So this mediatic events, these meetings between the "big" and their transnational institutions (useful only to popularize their decisions to smaller countries and to try to manage public expenditure on a global level) seem tobe destined to an adequate scale down. Nonetheless, basing our analisys on the present situation, one things is clear: the government's and the movcement leader's inability to control the mobilization conducted by the metropolitan proletariat.
Islam and Antiimperialism
On the orher hand, as the recent happenings in Washington and New York showed, imperialist countries, on a geopolitical level, don't seem to manage the situation much better. Since the beginning of our work, we made clear efforts in trying to underline the objective antiimperialist potential of the islamic formations and organizations, avoinding explatopry shortcuts which consider them as an expression of the inability to operaters politically of the various national burgeoisies, burgeoisies incapable of modernizing their countries and because of this intended for a reactionary panislamic adrift. We considered, instead, this panislamic adrift as the way this modernization process was represented, a representation legitimized by the weakness of the international proletariat and its strategies of liberation to the the majority of their masses and to their proletariat. We underlined as this process of political reaggregation of the masses was strictly connected to the one concerning the power balances in the imperialist countries and that, without discerning between the different ideological thoughts, it represented an aspect of the class struggle on a global level which would influence future devlopments (influencing both the power balances between imperialist burgeoisie and international proletariat and the class composition).
The attacks on the Pentagon and the World Trade Center showed the inadequacy of the imperialist system of surveillance and domination in its present configuration. This has been spectacularized by the complete absence of any kind of response to these kind of attcks and by the shameful peregrination the president of the main imperialist country was forced to undergo.
These attacks marked the end of a strategy grounded on selective military operations utilizing a massive use of power started in 1982 in Lebanon and continued up till today. A strategy based on a system which localized conflicts and that showed its cracks. Nowadays, unexpected by the most, the geopolitical scenery is completed distorted: the same explanatory distortion of the art. 5 of the NATO treaty puzzled those who explained new happenings with old and historically determined categories.
The perspective which is being offered to us (once the spectacular military reaction will be ended) is the development of new and generalised low intensity warfare's strategies. Perspective in need of a swift ranking between inperialist countries, of stronger alliances between the US and its allies which should arm themselves (EU in particular). In this context, old and new forms of reformism may still carry out an important role: both as important link between separation and control of the international proletariat (on a global level an in the cities) and as entity capable of legitimizing military operations needed by the imperialist burgeoise. We'll see them as soon as funds for military intervention will be increased.
Unifying Anticapitalism and Antiimperialism
Revolutionary politic is always the same: unify. Unify Anticapitalism and Antiimperialism. On the one hand, it's evident that the islamic perspective can't neither represent a golbal liberation strategy nor an effective one for the masses of the "Islamic world". On the other hand, it's also evident that we're analyzing a perspective historically failing both on a military and a political level which, at its best, could simply modernise the burgeoise in "this world".
Nevertheless we're witnessing an experience of mass resistance to imperialism which is affecting the lives of millions and this is, objectively, an experience of accumulation of forces andexperiences on the proletariat area. Opposing proletariat anticapitalism to what is today the main expression of Antiimperialism since the end of the "bipolar world" means falling in the ideological trap - the conflict between civilizations - planned by imperialism and islamic reactionary burgeoisies; means undervaluing a massive experience of mass resistance; means operating in order to divide the proletariat on an international scale and in cities; means helping imperialism and opposing a communist renewal in the cities and in the so called "Islamic world". The "most obscured masses" are on the move: it's high time for the international proletariat to effectively win it's autonomy in order to freely think, freely organize and freely act.