SENZA CENSURA n.13
Italy, february 2004
This issue too respects the edition times. We think that this fact points out a double success: by a subjective point of view , despite a particular attention above us by the repressive and judicial system we have not waken, but we are stronger both in quantity and in quality; by an objective point of view , the main points of our reflection are becoming part of the proletarian movement's practice.
"Of course", like any other real process, it is happening not in a totally coherent way. Nevertheless, it is clear that the problems regarding the development of militarism, the effective constitution of the European imperialist pole (through the European army and the European judicial power), and regarding the new emerging class composition (which points out the emergency of working poor and radical economic struggles), represent a real ground of comparison inside the present clash among social classes in the European metropolis and in our country.
This is shown by the surviving of an antiwar movement, by the first attempts to create a movement against the constitution of the European imperialist pole, and by the strong struggles carried on by some fighting parts of the working class, like those of the transport societies, beyond trade unions agreements.
As we point out since time, the inevitable development of the present system of imperialist countries towards militarism and authoritarianism directly and internally influences the constituting imperialist poles (and in particular the EU) in terms of sudden and revealed reinforcement of the instruments of control, repression and preventive counter-revolution, in way to "formalize" relationships among social classes adequate to the present process of balancing inside this system.
In particular (as since time we are trying to repeat) on one side, despite apparent conflicts, it is confirmed a middle perspective of reinforcement of the euro-Atlantic relationship as attempt to adequately face the new emerging continental powers (in particular China and India); on the other side, despite some positive signals told above, it is also confirmed the historical delay of the European proletarian movement and our country in re-conquering its autonomy of thought and action.
In this sense, it is maybe useful to repeat that militarism and wars, into the process of Capital concentration peculiar to the monopolistic and imperialistic phase of Capitalism, are like the rain that springs out of the cloud of the capitalistic way of production; even today the military intervention in Iraq by the NATO immediately takes on a relative economic weight into the imperialist metropolis; so it would be opportune, in the effort to rebuild the proletarian political autonomy in the metropolis and in the world, to fight these consequences on the "internal front", in terms of worse conditions that a more wide part of the class is going to face.
Some recent experiences (on which we yet expressed our opinion) have confirmed us that the absence of an adequate answer in terms of analysis by the present movement about the development of Capitalism, without considering basic links of this movement, inevitably condemns the "natural" proletarian resistance acts in the metropolis to partiality, localism, and finally to a concrete "historical" ineffectiveness, favouring a prevailing passiveness by the class against the political initiative of the imperialist bourgeoisie.
The example is given by the "pacifist movement" in our country.
This movement showed itself during an historical period in which masses' desire to be at the centre of the attention could not express ( as in fact it didn't express towards its main subjective expressions) an autonomous direction. This was clear also into many of its keywords, which showed a deep ideological influence carried by imperialist bourgeoisies (for example, the aim to the constituting "social Europe").
It was the reflection of the fact that this movement has had to face, immediately and beyond its pious aims, that process of alignment and definition of imperialistic hierarchies, which since time we are pointing out to be the main theme of reflection in view of the class resettlement and its conquest of political autonomy, given the momentary prevalence of Social Democratic and new-reformist theories and organizations inside the "global" class and the metropolitan one in particular.
After almost one year of occupation war, the persistent Iraqi resistance determined on one side the lack of a clear taking of stand by catholic and new-reformist groups (which evade the problem of the "imperialist aggression" "debating" about the legitimacy to use violence by the resistance); on the other side it caused the siding with the resistance by many groups. This is a result which favours the evolution of this "movement for peace" into a movement against the imperialist war, characterized for its anti imperialism and anti capitalism.
It's ever more clear that it's necessary to link these two aspects of the struggle to render the proletarian action inside the metropolis more effective and less partial ; and that it is an inevitable division to start to define a working and proletarian Left able to break with compatibilities of Politics, State , imperialist chauvinism and religions. This is the way to intend the relationship between the resistance of the Iraqi and Afghan partisans and the working class struggle inside the metropolis.
It's not enough to support the left Arab organizations; it's necessary to see how the anti imperialist struggle carried on by the Arab Islamic masses threatens the unity and solidity of imperialism.
The anti imperialist struggle of the Arab Islamic masses has to be seen not only on the surface, but as a process of popular resistance to the imperialist dominion. More their resistance will be effective, more the arrogance of imperialism will decrease all over the world accelerating the process of laceration of the social body inside the metropolis.
Groups, left revolutionary organizations, workers and fighting proletarians, have to adequate themselves to the present clash and to consider the narrowing of social and "judicial" warranties, caused by a general process of capitalistic crisis and structural adjustment of the "formal" relationship among classes. The recent working mobilizations (as in the transport system) are the reflection of the emerging new class composition in our country, and they have to place themselves into a long struggle perspective, not seen in immediate concrete aims (soon "inspired and/or led astray" just by this adjustment process).
In both cases the main link is the relationship between crisis and war, and the show of the struggle that the proletarians fight on the internal and external fronts determined by imperialism.
Like the recent repressive and judicial initiatives by the State (made spectacular through "brilliant operations" against BR-PCC and anarchists) hide a more general adjustment process of "political relationships" among social classes towards which it has to be thought only a long resistance struggle, in the consciousness that "formal conditions" for the political clash have changed and are changing suddenly in our country as in all Europe.
So we would like again to insist on the attempt to show and explain, in relation with our possibility and capacity, which are the main problems for the present historical movement, and which risks are hidden in its faulty conception for the perspective of class liberation, pointing out how it is more and more necessary to disjoint the mechanism for which, in front of an increasing repression, the proletarian movement is not able to give an adequate and common answer or , at worst giving help to counter revolutionary projects, has got inside itself expression of low lack of solidarity towards those comrades (fighting or not) which have been hit by repression in different "judicial" forms.