Italy, july-october 2004

Some notes on Iraqi onset and consequeces on occidental front

To have an useful point of view on the actual social dinamic in Iraq, we must get rid of imperialist cultural heritage, that is an heavy heritage of historical limits of eurocentric and occidental left thought and political practice about "heart's dammened"struggles and we must go away more is possible from conquires-civilizers psicology that built an immage of oppressed peolple, and of their yearning of emancipation useful to the meccanism that naturalize oppresion causes and make eternal the conditions of oppressed proletarians, claimed against barbarian acts perpetrated by "diabolic" insurgents.
If it is true that, like Tariq Alý wrote: "Sometimes empires forgot against who they are leading a crusade and for wich reason, but seldom occupied is so confused", also the possible "internal enemies"of these empires seem they don't remember the essential aim and the intrinsic quality of real mouvement in Iraq and they introject the enemy interpretation that, often, starts to believe to his own lies.
Thank to Action Directe camarades we can say:"Today, one of fondamental data of epochal changement is the unquestionable fact that emancipation struggles of South people are not only allies of Socialist Revolution, but they are essential parts".
We are sure that what is taking place in Iraq is one of these essential parts. We don't feel immune from the limits express by militant area to approach "Iraqy issue" neither from the analysis point of view, that lacks of a current affair press not linked to merely propaganda or official journalist sources; either from a coherent praxis with our own internationalist orientation point of view, that has been unable to build mobilizations not placed in the rear of that claimed by the institutional left or to influence inside the institutional left the most sensible part of the mouvement against the war.
In spite of this we think that popular war in Iraq and the development of social conflict in Italy, like in other E.U. countries, make situation more fluid, despite negative characteristic of the militant political rank and actual difficulties of internationalist components, and we think we must work steadily to build subjectiv to develop a trend and a practice like this.

"...You came to give us civilization lessons
We know the mean of civilizaion
of exploitment and of rape
Jungle civilization
We are: we give lessons to you
On liberation civilization
On ...and great resistance civilization..."
Mohammed Lamsuni, Imn to Falluja

It would be useful to have clear the history of economic-social development of this country inside the arab world, dialectis between imperialist domination and resistence to colonialism in Iraq, and partycular the relation between the development of lower classes struggle, and of little bourgoise and all different political organizations that have contribute to their history.
Some easy chronological elements of Iraqi Communist Party, that had an important role from 1944 and this is a specific carhatteristic in the arab world, or an analysis of the ethnic issue, expecially the curdish one, or of the religious issue, expecially sciites one, they would need more space like a whole number of this review, like the history of the last 15 years.
We try to give some contributes tat we think could be useful to clarify something despite mass-media intoxication and the habits to give superficial and hurried judgement on a running social process.
To revise researches on this argument and to give a strong interpretative ipothesis is important as much as recept and amplify rebels point of view, denounce interest of imperialist bourgeoses military involved, understand relation between multipolar world power, or improve al instruments useful to develop a practice against the war.
The actual empasse of the anti-war mouvement, composed by who is against this war and has made something to show it, is due to its impossibility to take different positions from imperialist borgeouses, like choising a position not solidarity with resistance, the theory of war-terrorism so claimed by Liberazione, or like treing to share between resistance, included in the legitimity of international right, and terrorism.While who solidarizes with arab cause it is not able to give more that a formal solidarity from a minority ideological mouvement and also it is unable to go over the struggle to conquire a position inside the left. This last activity doesn't find a practice in a metropolitan contest and it is unable to build a relation with this class portion of immigrants that more feels the imperialist attack on the internal and external front. More it is unable to link with the most sensible part of arab-muslim world.
Who speaks about giving more importance to the conflict here rather than to the resistance there, doesn't understand the link between the two fronts, and remain without explanations when social war is round the corner, and they are only able to pour out rivers of thears when they have to denounce capitalism barbarism, only able to be surprise by tortures on prisoners, and to give judgments on some conflict expression like execrable violent degenerations of the everybody against everybody war, instead of consider them an answer to social cannibalisme.
Like Fanon wrote:"what the colonized has seen on this heart is that they could scot-free arrest him, beat him, starve out him; and no one moral teacher never, no one priest never, is come to take strokes at his place neither to divide the bred with him."
It's evident that the actual capitalism has worked and is working hard to bar the way not only to a strong connection, but only a simple link, the exchange and the contamination between militants that act in the center and in the perifery of imperialism. Imperialism remember the danger of o united european front in a recent past: a clear example of this it is the legislation that criminalize international solidarity with enquires and repressive actions that have made effective black list in EU.
To support publicly, even only "ideally", resistance brings to be over exposed and to be object of particular attentions by the State.
Istitutional left boycotts the mouvement directly, while his "infiltrators" make it undirectly, deciding from time to time to act like an internal police, controlling leftist waves and building campains against the extremist, or to act like a mediatic outlet, ables to make up the restless.

During bipolar equilibrium, there was a social-imperialist block and different communist parties that took it as reference, and cause to real politik it supported some anti-imperialist struggle and gave them legitimacy in the world forces sistem, now all of this isn't possible anymore. In this way Iraqi resistance works in a different context from cuban, algerian, vietnam liberations, and it is more similar to afghan resistence and to palestinian struggle from first intifada till today.
This is a problem of all guerrilla mouvements that want to abolish an established power, like FARC in Colombia, popular war in Nepal, Popular Front in Palestine. Moreover capitalist evolution, changements in social structures and accumulated proletarian experience since the end of decolonization struggles till today, with barbarism commetted by powers in post colonial regimes and the end of every proggressist role of capitalism development and national bourgeois, we can't make real confrontations but
only agit-prop slogans.
We can also say that the actual crise phase gives to Iraqi resistance a way that has few relations with other historical facts, in this sense we have to analize breaking elements that give a different picture.
International resistence forces to imperialism must take charge of this isolation, forces that have a radical transformation prospective and not only a distant solidarity or a third world attitude, in a contest where proletarians aren't really pushing for a revolutionary hipothesis.
To understand postive conseguences for proletarian political action in the center of capitalism thanks to iraqi resistence would be necessary. We must do it without superimpose the advanced crise statein imperialistic countries and "dipendent"ones.
We can't analize in the same way contries that have nearly delated the possibility of proletarian social reproduction, where we have a advanced proletarianization of middle class, that loose its social function and where contraddiction are solved with a frontal militar answer and a costant low intensity war, and the situation inside metropolis. In these last proletariat hasn't delated its social reproduction possibilities, middle class lives in a costant but not catastrofic declassing and traditional instruments of social ingegnery still have power, like historical organizations of worker mouvement still have a intermadiation social role.
If we don't understand this we can't understand the structural reasons for this lack of link between the two fronts of struggle or we could attribute it only to a subjective lack of metropol social struggle protagonistes.
However it would be enough to think positive and to exploit politically the end of the mith of the stronger imperialist pole invincibility, its evident vulnerability on "asimmetric" war when it has to confront with guerrilla, its incapacity to solve the same contradictions that it has created, the wear of international preventive counter revolution machinery and the impossibility to realize imperialist bourgeois plans for "Iraq recostruction"-they are unable to guarantee conditions for social peace that it would permit to privatize economy, to exploit energetic resources and local and foreign working class-and the impossibility to install military bases to continue permanent war to rogue States, Siria and Iran in primis.
As well the embittered of contraddiction between a base against the war and a warmonger left obliged to claim for withdrawal of troops, with the evident powerlessness of UN, is a cosequence of resiatence more that a merit of our against-war mouvement.
It's disgusting the arrogant attitude related to politacal indications given by the kidnappers of our mercenaries to who is sincerly opposed to this war and to who doesn't share governament choices.
These fighters have been consideredlike foreign in this conflict, instead of partisans due of a point of view that differentiate between people and their governement, and try to build a link with pacifist movement.
We must give palitical legittimacy to practice and point of view of rebels, or we will be accomplice of enemy class.
Who thinks to be strumentalized by iraqi resistance, he is who strumentalize resistance itself for political-electoral aim. Also the incessant mass-media campain, active weapon of global war, has showed its limits tring to give a false rappresentation of reality when it has been obliged to speak about resistance thank to constant guerrilla actions, big demostrations against occupants, unemploied demostrations, disertion inside collaborationist police ranks.
Media have an analisis of this conflict that gives significance to "international-terrorism"infiltrations, to old dirigent of ex power system and to some religeous-political-militar persons usually out of power and sometimes speak about "uncompriensible partisan gangs; media keep on speaking of a mysterious part of society longing to receive universal totalitarist democracy values imported with bombs, they support the idea that the enemies of Iraq are Iraquies themselves!.
The anti-war mouvement doesn't succeed in trasforming itself in a iraqi resistance support mouvement and social resistence phenomenous don't have found a political outlet that could be able to propose it like a branch of an interntional objective resistance mouvement, when imperialistic decisions and restructuration plans are more and more centralized and immediately thought on a global level.
Even if struggles of important class sectors on the internal front have been able to bar the way to reactionary mass mobizations, they never thought themselves, neither the most conscious elements, like part of a more general struggle in contents and more wide from a geografical point of view.

War in the EU has been bring on the internal front by imperialist bourgeois against metropolitan proletariat and antagonist mouvement, and, like in Spain and Turkie, by organizations that don't have an internationalist and class point of view on resistance, even if large portions of immigrant proletariat in the mediterrenean area and in the "middle-east" area and in large portions of the political area, till now annihilated, are more and more influenced by te antimperialist resistance thanks to one of the most important manifestation of struggle against capitalist globalization.

We don't have to affirm an inneffective principle of international right, like the right of people to defend itself when it is victim of a illegittimate invasion, neither to project our own wishes of social rebellion and of helthy class rage in contest where we can't act, but we need to take again and extend those practices that, in the last spring, had not only intercepted responsables of the war, but also understund possibilities of concrete actions here against war machine and started to identify the war machine logistic net.
We must share this collective inteligence and knowledge supplementing with new elements to be able to trasform their points of strenght in weakness points.