Italy, november 2004


"Never forget it: now it's not the
right moment to win,
but to fight defeats"
(B. Brecht)

In February 2000 "Senza Censura" was coming back after many years silence. Not as "bulletin" of the National Committee against the execution of the Afro-American revolutionary Mumia Abu Jamal, but with the aim to re-launch the debate about repression and jail.
The original editing staff was urged by the objective condition of the present strength relationship between bourgeoisie and proletariat, and by some convictions belonging to the editing staff itself.
By the first point of view, it was clear that it could not again "be conceivable the resistance to repression as central background to work for a political re-composition: the repressive actions in Italy and in other countries against political and unionist subjects, clearly show that it's not automatic and immediate a "movement against repression" able to open some possibilities".
On the other side, in that period the "work" carried on by the State inside the class was so spread and effective (infinite debates about the "lead years", frequent announcements of "political solutions" of the class struggle...) to put on the agenda the liquidation of the conquers of autonomy made by the Italian metropolitan proletariat. By this point of view, for the Italian imperialist bourgeoisie, the central point was to "prove" the non-existence of political prisoners and of an open "political conflict" between the classes.
This could be "proved" in many ways: for example, "reasoning" about the fact that living in a "formal democracy", political prisoners were the result of a "subjective forcing"; or that the "historical moment" which had produced them, was exhausted and then they represented only themselves. The same conclusion: in the perspective of the "new world order", in the imperialist metropolis and all over the world the class struggle didn't exist!
In this sense was, and still is today, necessary to underline inside the class and its political and unionist subjects, the border line between class and State confirming that the existence of political prisoners, of counter-revolutionary strategies and of restructuring/control of the proletariat in every bourgeoisie regime, given the inequality in social relationships, is structural and undeletable as money in the exchange of equivalent goods, given the inequality of social productive relationships that it "represents".
Besides, and under a different outline, the editing staff itself was and is convinced "that the repressive strategy is the heart of counter-revolution, giving the direction of social control and a background common to political and unionist expressions and to the class itself (restructuring/militarization of urban territory, new ways to control the local and immigrant working class, programs of mass imprisonment etc. The whole Capital's forces are engaged all over the world in trying to prevent, control, and, if necessary, in suppressing every form of social or political resistance which puts on discussion the logic of profit or the solutions every time necessary for its reproduction and development. And these strategies are carried into effect more and more on a global scale involving, even in different ways, millions of men and women in the world".
Today, after almost five years, the same editing staff of "Senza Censura" decides to bring up-to-date the heading's subtitle changing it in "CONTRIBUTIONS FOR A CRITICAL AND CLASS ANALYSIS OF REALITY".
Not to sign a discontinuity with the previous experience, but to reinforce and generalize it. Today it's more and more strong the conviction that it's necessary to understand the repressive strategies carried on by capitalistic countries as models of social bourgeoisie relationships on a local and global scale. Nevertheless the editing itself thinks necessary to adjust the heading to the real process of editorial work and to its relationship with the present subjective expressions of the class like with the whole class, in the common attempt to re-conquer a thought and action autonomy by the metropolitan proletariat in our country.
This, as it was clear since the beginning of our work, goes beyond a simple "resistance" logic to safeguard one's own political "space", imposing rather the search and stimulus to give the class a new settlement with the perspective to fight defeats.
During these few years , it's the present "historical moment" itself, with its richness of events, to confirm our convictions, showing that "the social revolution can be fulfilled only as an epoch which associates the proletarian civil war against bourgeoisie in the most developed countries, to many democratic and revolutionary movements, included the movements for national liberation, in not developed countries and in oppressed nations. Why? Because capitalism develops unequally..." (V.I.Lenin, 1916).
In this sense, instead, the editorial itself needs to confirm the sections structure (Counter revolutionary strategies, Restructuring and control, Repression and struggles) because it has represented and represents in our concrete experience that struggle on three fronts (Anti imperialism, Anti capitalism, Anti revisionism) which in the imperialist epoch has ever signed the building of a proletarian revolutionary perspective.
This doesn't mean to be satisfied with expressing a "pure critic of the whole present situation", but to recover the collective experience of the real movement which bans the present situation.
For us this means also to think "Senza Censura" like an instrument wider than the editorial work, and to give value to the relationship between editorial and contributors, spreaders, and readers, to make it an instrument directly useful for the class conflict in our country and for the necessity to rebuild a perspective of liberation: good work to everybody.