SENZA CENSURA N.18

NOVEMBER 2005

 

Editorial

 

"At the moment the metropolitan revolutionary movement wasn't able to give a guideline to a new offensive proportionate to gobalization dynamics and its consequent hierarchization. Then, it's in the centre that resistance will have to assume an essential role in its link with popular masses of southern countries, and will not be satisfied by a simple Platonic solidarity".
The revolutionary prisoner J.M. Rouillan, answer to the AFP, 3/10/05

On international level, every new scenary of "crisis" presupposes Italy's intervention, in Europe every kind of mobilization ubderlines the importance of its own increase.
War is not only a military event, it's not the result of a government's warmongering policy, it's not a series of far events, but more and more often it permeates the social tissue and becomes the bonding agent of a terrible community which they try to poison with medias' propaganda, school education, antiterrorism trainings, to move masses towards a reactionary direction.
On the strategic level war is the necessary outlet for imperialist bourgeoisie as imposed by the capitalist development and it is the main instrument for a new equilibrium among imperialist powers, among bourgeoisie factions and the international proletariat.
Italy is in the centre of this process because of its geo-politic position, its reactionary role inside Europe, its role inside NATO and UNO.
Every qualitative leap in military interventionism beyond national borders, implies a greater pression on the internal front to reach social pacification and to try to line up opposition political bodies to the institutional left's opportunism, together with an heavy pression on comrades.
This is the reason why, in times of war and crisis, rulers see social and political demands as desertion of the imposed war atmosphere, and not as physiologic conflict...
Class clash can express not only a contradiction between capital and proletariat but it can also clear the perspectives of a new offensive, if revolution's subjectivities , which worked with method and firmness, are able to gather and incite the most advanced subjects of the struggle.
If the work of relationship, support and circulation with the struggle and its protagonists doesn't take on this perspective, making experiences which express the advancing of class organization and try to refill metropolitan proletariat's gap of representation, we will be condemned to make a photo of moving reality or to move on emergencies given by single struggles, following those who are involved, rather than anticipate and follow the course of class clash in western towns.
Sometimes we misunderstand a little success, without a real comprehension of every single struggle.
The breaking with the corporative cage and the tendency to isolate opportunists are not an automatic process caused by a worsened situation, but they are a product of comrades' work among the mass anda product of revolutionaries' indications, also thanks to their capacity to denounce and to keep in the face of the attempt to wear down the class, sometimes through annihilation, carried on by counter-revolution.
Into imperialist countries, the State continuously works so that parts of proletariat don't become a critical mass by a political point of view: class against class, so that they don't link with radical subjectivities which have the purpose to change the present social relationships, and they don't link with those experiences which put on discussion imperialist plans into integrated periphery.
The State, in the conflict with proletariat, puts the whole of its wide legislative arsenal: in fact its nightmare is that the proletarian struggle becomes revolutionary like in other historical periods, and that its attempt to isolate is vanified by solidarity among exploited all over the world.
The lethal symbiosis among managing experiences of social conflicts into national borders and militar occupations to which gives contribution (Balkans, Afghanistan, Iraq, Sudan) is one of "maturity" aspects of the imperialist italian state.
An important fraction of bourgeoisie is widely adopting the paradigm of the "struggle to terrorism", making it an ideologic corollary to justify its action and to make us habituate to the disaster, in its eco-terrorist or warmongering sense, in its crushing of workers' struggles, or the attempt to annihilate revolutionary prisoners, or its segregationist policy towards inmigrants.
Every day legislative codes and repression express their continuous adaptation about whom has to be considered "terrorist" and about the concept of "terrorism", giving echo to Ernst Bloch's words: "The abyss into which we fall down through the unbearable doesn't seem to have any ground on which crash and stop the fall".

There's a continuous attempt of cooptation of more and more parts of proletariat to manage public order and at the same time for the militarization of waged workers.
In some transport enterprises, inspectors are responsible for inmigrants' roundups, like pilots are responsible for their deportation. Firemen' s militarization represents a mean to create a civil defense complementary to organs for social control and repression, and their struggle against this process is an important answer.
In Italy and Europe more and more productive sites are closed or restructured, especially as regards sections of manifacturing industry, without workers are granted of social dampers - sometimes even without severance pay!- or without new perspectives of job, while military industry, which furnishes Italian army and others, flourishes thanks to new formed brains, also coming from universities.
Traditional "welfarist" policies are reducing taking on a selective and blackmail aspect, sometimes preparing also real police actions. Social sector's workers work with "needy people", they are able to enter difficult situations and able to do, without the knowledge of themselves, a careful work of "filing" among those who see their social need becoming a potential criminal profile, or they are obliged to a preventive psychiatric treatment with a pharmacological abuse.
The enlarged prison system extends and becomes different, multiplying those figures whose wage is linked to juvenile jails, Temporary permanence centers, private prisons for toxic people, psychiatric institutes, jails.
School itself is an hybrid among a jail, an enterprise and a total institution at the head of brainwashing; it's a place for annihilation where they try to extirpate every intellectual curiosity and desire for development; even in this case school workers are divided into those who move for its reactionary development and those who fight against its worsening.
Prats of waged workers have the possibility to refuse to become "State", denying their role, while others continue to accept the products of destruction policies against dependent countries.

The editing of "Senza Censura" (and the homonymous site www.senzacensura.org) works so that capitalism crisis becomes an opportunity to make difficult the present production relationships, thati si for the growth of revolutionary subjectivities in the imperialist metropolies, which thought autonomy and praxis are the motor.
War and repression, precariety and prison are the main contradictions on which it's important to work: proletarian internationalism, the refuse to be a variable dependent from capitalist development, the radical hostility to prison's necessity with the whole of its forms and expressions.
Our subjective activity is tent to promote class struggle towards these directions, as the context they grew.
Instead of making a moving photo of reality, we try to designe the edges of the proletarian struggle and its enemies faces.
If a journal and a web site can give a contribution to deepen and debate, practice and organizing development are the necessary outlet to increase the present system's cracks, and to increase the acknowledgement for the necessity of a different social organization, because like a perspicacious observer told: "bourgeiosie survives to itself like a ghost announcer of misfortune".
We want to underline that beyond contingent political choices and majorities' alternation, there are structural features and choices obliged by institutional policy, for which every difference is insignificant.
If we really want to fight opportunism, we have to cooperate making this certitude root into present and future protagonists of the struggle.