MARCH 2006




About the perspective

At the present time, this is, generally, the biggest question.
Every political militant, during his experience clashes with the problem of the prospect; this question determines the real position of every one of us on the field of the revolution or not.
The current lack of answers to this need often makes unbearable the personal and political costs imposed by the counter-revolution on those who contest the present state of things. The same lack can also drive many comrades to retire in their private, or in a respectable but ultra-specific role, or on positions more or less compromised with the State. There is no shortcut to give an answer to this question. Every shortcut only brings to temporary solutions that are nowadays harmful on the strategic field.

Schematizing, two are the basic reasons of this static situation: the counter-revolution and the backwardness of the class conflict and organization. The revolutionary organizations in the last years showed their incapacity to face the attacks of the counter-revolution on any degree of struggle, because the counter-revolution is now a basic and strategic element of the present system of control that destabilizes the forces, the instruments and the knowledge.
Also the class context is not favourable. In spite of a progressive worsening of the objective conditions determined by the general increasing of the crisis, the class front is still confused and disorganized. The communist struggle is clearly minority in this stage and into class there are too many strong revisionist and counter-revolutionary elements inherited by the last years.

Those who think possible to create a revolutionary organization out of the institutional compatibilities in the present time, simply reproposing the method of the last decades not considering the present reality, risk to make a mistake that could bring to a loss of precious political and human resources or to isolation and disaster.

Another important element is the "subjective" one.
We can't deny that the political revolutionary picture in Italy showed many times its structural trend to sectarianism. If this deleterious logic in some periods of heavy repression helped this political class to survive, from a prospective point of view put a real risk on the possibilities of growth and development of a new situation and outlook.
Without any psychoanalysis, we can see that in these years the work to create organization increased and helped these sectarian drifts so that many components of the movement unfortunately link the criticism on sectarianism to the criticism on organization. This doesn't help the development of any revolutionary outlook.

We must face up with this situation not denying these subjective and objective problems, but finding the ways to give a prospect to the militant's political work.
Face up to reality means to know that in this time is not possible measure us on the construction of a revolutionary subjectivity that can represent itself and become a possible point of reference for the vanguard of the movement and of the class, that can support a suitable action's level for this phase, that can support the fight with the counter-revolutionary machines. So the energies must be not spent in vain, searching no short cut, but utilizing them with attention and caution.

This doesn't mean leave the political and ideological struggle, doesn't mean follow "majority" logics or the ideas about the "multitude" that aim to consolidate tactically institutional covers (following old ultra-sectarian logics).

We are in the minority, this is real. "We" doesn't mean our Editorial Staff or every political subjectivity that today express itself. The revolutionary outlook in general is today in the minority.
There is nothing to be proud. We must understand, starting from this consideration, which is the best help that we can give to the development of new forms of opposition, of resistance of class organization to resist to the crisis, in order to create the conditions for the development and the success of revolutionary organization.

All, with the humble consciousness that the future of the humanity is not depending only by us, so, we shouldn't follow or force all that happens all around us, but understand it and support it.
Many times the militants and many so-called "organizations", suffer because they don't represent the political leadership of the various movements or the various struggles: we can deduce this kind of frustration by their impetuosity while they run after these movements or struggles...we think that in this time the objective conditions of development of the class clash, in Italy and in the capitalistic west, determines the "natural" political leadership of the experiences developing where this kind of clash begins or expresses itself. So, the political components that are not revolutionary (the cooperative or reformist ones) become leadership because the class dynamics couldn't express nothing more -and not because the revolutionaries are in the minority!
Must be affirmed that the problem isn't to run after the class events in order to be hegemony, or at the contrary considering these experiences of movement useless or harmful because in the long development process of the class contradictions nothing is totally useless or harmful.
During the fight with the state we were witness of steps that are now irreversible and that represented objectively an advancing of the entire class front, quite apart from the specific political results (for example the no-global movement).
So, what to do?

Its obvious that we, as editing staff, can't establish the right way or answer to all these questions. But, starting by the collocation that we assumed, collectively and individually, we want to give a contribute to this kind of discussion, to find a clear sense to our road and to find a way to transmit this attempt out of the editing group.
We are believe that a serious contribute to the analysis in order to unmask imperialistic plans and strategies, globally and locally, and to unmask revisionist strategies that, pretending to be part of the movement, keep on to make disasters into class, have a primary importance. This kind of work must have as referents the political sectors of the movement and of the class, almost the younger and less indoctrinated people, to give them actual and in-depth instruments to grow.
But an "ideological" development without a political action is useless. So we believe that initiative and political propaganda into class, where is possible to do it, must be developed and supported with any possible effort, because this work is the only real instrument to understand the development of the class dynamics, like a fundamental "gym" for the growth of experiences of social and political reassembling. We are not an action group, so for us this work means to bring out the work of the single comrades, trying to make a "selection" (with correct political relations) of what of the experiences that we meet can be considered interesting, locally and globally.
Finally, another basic work is the support of the experiences of the advancing class components that develop joint moments of political cooperation based on correct and productive principles, overcoming every sectarian approach. In our opinion this means to observe and bring out the development of this kind of experiences with the highest consideration and if a serious discussion about the "outlook" and about the subjectivity will develop, we take responsibility for it, assigning to it a fixed section of our magazine.
In a time in which we all are in "dire straits", a common effort to avoid to lose precious resources and to avoid to arrive unready at the future developments of the contradictions of this system in crisis, is a objective that cannot be set aside. This editing staff will ever make its effort to give this kind of contribute.