MARCH 2006



A possible and necessary opposition to war governments and imperalism faces
In april we are going to know which will be the new war government which will have, except in case of rise of a movement really able to engrave on the ruling class' choices, a substantial continuity with the preceding one's policy of war.
The continuity or less with the present political path and the possibility for the no-war movement to cause meaningful splits up , will meet with preference with italian troops' attendance or withdrawal into three main intervention theaters: Iraq, Afghanista, Balkans.
But the government's contingent choices are fixed by structural variables of the Italian state, that are aspects about which the movement has got to fight, in way that strenght relationships between metropolitan proletariat and imperialist middle class in Italy will determine even the solidification and new conversion of military-industrial complex, the enlargement/evacuation of NATO's military posts, like other military equipments on the territory, as well as the militarization/de-militarization or cooptation /dropping of working class' portions with a public order purpose, not to speak about the rise/reduction of the price of state investments not destined to social reproduction warranties.
It is and it is going to be a wide range political battle for a medium/long period, wich will meet also with the ability by the most advanced to engrave positively inside social movements, just like the no-war one, to damage the exclusive control political delegation of moderate institutional groups inside the class, beeing able to underline how it's necessary to adopt incisive ways to fight and to have an organization level able to converse with proletarian advanced experiences to a euro-mediterranean level) and to face repression.
That is to give an outlet to a "split up" hypothesis starting from the present situation (the capitalistic crisis) like from the european revolutionary movement situation, able to engrave on the whole imperialist path of reorganization on our territory, thinking about italian interests outside and about proletarian class's composition changes, in a more precarious and cosmopolite sense.
We need to work out a not declamatory programme and practicable purposes wich make cooperate comrades in agreement about the opposition to imperalist penetration in the periphery through aggression and military occupation (or other means, like low intensity war, commercial war or embargo).
We think that a similar "front" can include a meaningful part of class' Left outside individual collocations.
It is not only a struggle against the stronger imperialist pole but also the rising european imperialism, in particular the local one, either it drops bombs, controls the sea, sends occupation troops, or it talks about "reconstruction", or it operates through untruthfully unwarlike instruments: NGO, financing to political organizations, mass media, academical education, research institutes, etc.

Fundamental purposes and organizational choices: some hypothesis
Italy's outgo from NATO, troops' immediate withdrawal from war sceneries, demilitarization, the ceasing of onerous military cooperations, have to be strategic objectives to which adapt tactical contingent choices and priorities inside the no-war movement, if we don't want to take on the compatibility plan decided by the middle class part inside the ruling social piece, which makes its political choices seem proletarian "victories".
Overturning defeats into victories and preparing a harmless preventive opposition in vitro, are opportunist historical tasks.
On one side reducing politics to a mere enumeration of principles and to a pleased crucible of one's own "minoritarism" and tautological self-proposition, without having the tactical ductility necessary to be really able to engrave on events, surely carries towards isolation or inactivity, wether you organize many initiatives but without looking for possible political interlocutors, steady links with social subjects and a wide range planning, or you wait for proletariat coming thik under flags of a new internationalism.
On the other side the anxiety for a tactical collocation becomes an ensemble of political and trade unionist groups which often take away the possibility to give a wide breath to an hypothesis to act giving one's own energy to a choice which is not tactical and linked to a specific moment, but staedy and without a meaning.
There are comrades and groups which don't have the necessary modesty to understand their dangerous choices towards a possible opportunist cooptation, which think to have the ability to manage a contradictory level upper to what every comrade could manage and so they risk to become the last part of institutional parties' interest inside class movement. Often if they "increase the value" of the envelope into which they ranked and they "exalt" their own tactical choices, their political equilibrium becomes only a falling into reformism's swamps.
We want to repeat that if the institutional Left always needs a replacement of political rank to medium and low levels, cooptated by alien experiences and often previously hostile, and not only it allows to reproduce its apparatus and grease the mechanism, but also to suck every advancing source belonging to a different political perspective.
We intend counter-revolution not only as "reactionary restauration", but also as a social compromise into which proletariat is drown, while the most advanced parts risk to have the role of crutch for opportunist politics and are the last ring of capitalist rule among the people, mostly becoming honest and correct opponents of the ruling system.
This kind of scenery can assume a form not only in a period of relative social peace and movements' reflux, but also during periods of social contradictions, even explosive, when there are rising movements, maybe when it takes form a real advancement hypothesis for the class.

It's clear that in this scenery the building of a political subject able to incite the settlement of organization and awareness levels adquired with class clash, first contributing to make clear purposes and to open the perspective for radical changes and secondly giving orientation to proletarian action and organization, it' s not at all secondary.
Without byways or onward escapes, we have to work in order that the necessary cooperation among comrades - beyond tactical choices practiced such as those- inside class clash finds more and more conforntation and explanation moments to verify their capacity, their advancing and projection onward, the possible "quality jumps" of the nature of this cooperation in terms of efforts to synthesize theorical tendencies, adquired or foreseeable organizational instruments, political struggle and practical common activity.
We think that internationalism and proletarian struggle are main fields to practice, a level necessary to build a revolutionary political subject.
We don't think interesting the creation of political subjects which rise from the simple addition of different experiences without being able to render a quantitative change a real qualitative change of revolutionary subjectivity, as we don't need that someone declares or represents himself to impose as the "real" no-war movement, the "real" structure united with popular resistances in the world etc.
We don't want to add confusion between what is cooperation about a specific field and what is the build of a revolutionary subject with a clear stategic perspective:in part these paths are interlaced and both interesting, in part they are different things.

Limits and perspectives towards no-war movement's autonomy
We often discussed about no-war movement's end, when it seemed to be defeated by anglo-american invaders and its following slowdown just when the resistance began to give important bumps to invaders; the difficulty to render common sense a banality: the iraqui and the palestinian resistance are twins, both part of proletarian resistance into arab integrated periphery: the substantial denunciation of imperialist middle class' interest, the italian one included, in the "reconstruction" business; the reasons of a failed fellowship between the struggle of proletarian experiences inside metropolies, and its needs, and the periphery proletariat inside the same resistance to "globalization".
These limits have to be overcome, not without considering the close link between employed enregies and obtained results, but thinking about a possible path to be practiced, without following deadlines and someone else's purposes, but establishing a dialogue with what is expressed on one's own territory and creating a space autonomous from institutional forces which declare themselves "unwarlike".
We are not uninterested in those discrepancies within the institutional or close-institutional Left, because if there are spaces they have to be used to create a wider detachment between leaderships and militants as all the social left people.
We think that our present tasks are not again to have the role of "critical core" or "left part" of a no-war movement with generical unwarlike contents which feeds on only with an ethical repulsion towards war, a movement which can work as manoeuvring mass for the center-Left often able to control or condition no-war movilizations (for example even only with its structures, giving or not their availability).
Excuse for the exemplification, but we have to take a clear position about resistance, it has to be supported and propagandized, in fact are the resistants themselves to ask it when they say that they don't need neither men, nor weapons, nor money, but a clear political position in support of insurgents, if we don't want to be the last crutch of opportunism.
To find a confrontation field, instruments and a decisional ambit independent from those who want to collect the proceeds of someone else's movilizations means also to take off every possible limit of rescue when you choose action ways and contents expendable by those who suck someone else's efforts to improve their political income inside the hot corner of institutional politics or in the role of spokesmen of movements. In this direction we think necessary to put in movement a close dialectic among coordinate political initiatives to a local, interregional and national level, so that territorial work doesn't have as outlet the preparation of national deadlines only able to engrave on center-left balances, and local occasional initiatives, disconnected and unable to be reproduced elsewhere.
At the same time we think important the action towards military posts and their connected logistics, like the interests of those enterprises, in particular the italian ones, involved into the "reconstruction" of war sceneries; and the initiative towards war's effects in our country.
During last years we received important directions by important initiatives which try to counterpoise the mortal ability of the imperialist middle class towards a more and more global war and an internal front that they wanted to be reconciled, with a working class more and more aligned on a civility clash, both it deals with a step towards an ethnic-social system based on apartheid and it deals with the support of war enterprises carried on by "our guys" all around the world.