november 2007 - february 2008



Some reflections on the state of health and perspectives of the movement and of the movements


The demonstration of Rome against war and foreign politic of Prodi's government on 9th of June (following the general strike of November and the demonstration of February in Vicenza) reconfirms not only the existence of a generic discontent caused by the war choices of this executive, but also the determination to show the opposition against this governmental majority (in spite of the boycott action of the forces of institutional Left).

There are some important aspects to catch, that are full of possibilities. The 'drive belt' between the government and the needs of the class movement is further frayed...we hope that it will definitively break, carrying away everyone that sacrificed his residual credibility for the political tightrope walking and supports with bad faith and for profit the left 'of government and movement' or the inauspicious political hypothesis that this executive some positive differences of from the previous one.

The vectors of this demonstration are the important experiences of the real movement of 'our' country, class and local needs that are dissociated from any institutional collocation, any political logic of delegation of bipolarity and from the political elites of the movement.

We must start from this social richness to find a realistic political perspective and to establish the priorities for the militant action. The demonstration of Rome was in ideal connection with the mobilization against G8 in Germany that had a great participation of local and international groups of the movement and developed more important and effective initiatives for the chosen objectives and instruments.

Also the media were obliged to change the tune talking about the summit of the world powers; they talked about 'civil people near the summit' and not about 'barbaric black blocks'. What a metamorphosis! In any case they didn't want to make us understand the reasons why the demonstration had to defend itself from the police attacks and why the protesters were on a forbidden area. At the same way some components of the movement in Italy that don't ever miss the occasion to make statements at the television and on the press, didn't say that a movement, preserving its unity and pluralism, can be organized to defend itself from the police and to break the prohibitions, foiling the grips of the police and of the not less dangerous institutional parts. It's a pity that some representatives of the 'movement' didn't make the choice to be silent about the "black block" danger of infiltration and on many other questions. They feel in need to measure their discussion following the necessities of the dominant class, staying out of the real movement that expressed itself in Germany. So, they are in contrast with the quality of the debate of subjective forces of the social antagonism of the Europe. We can say it clear: the attempt to take the heart of the mobilization as their creation haven't a response on the reality because this demo, for its composition, contents and spirit has been not a simple parade.

Those who assumed the politic responsibility to act out of the compatibilities in Rostock like in Rome, maintaining the unity (and not the subordination to the inauspicious logic of the "radical Left") have our unconditional support. It is the right work to make that the critical mass can become a real force with a collective intelligence and through a solid process of organizing ability.

Probably, will be the enemy to put in practice the attempt to impose its choices (bases, sites of "waste refusal", a politic of sacrifices), making that the movement will choose the right way to realize its aims.

Many important matters are coming to the point and the quickness of the government that attempts to transform its contradictions in strong points, overpowering the hindrances, give the input to the movements to build an alternative to the actual social system with the development of a class organization process.

Rostock is an affront to all the opportunist components of the Italian movement that was not able to conduct the relations borne from Seattle. After G8 summit in Genoa they preferred to remove from their political actions the summits of the international organizations as possible appointments to create opposition to the choices of the international dominant classes. In the same way they 'snob' the international initiatives, but always try to take advantage the results of the organizing processes of the international practices like the mobilization in Rostock and the demonstration of Rome.

The defect of most of the components of the movement is to subordinate and limit their action to the tight margins leaved by the institutional Left trough a wearing and falling game of negotiation; there is a great silence on the preventive and repressive actions of the state and on the criminalization of some components of the movements; the political initiative is limited to the show offered by medias, to a false picture of "real opposition" to the dominant politic; the critical instruments are not elaborated and not socialized for a theoretical an practical growth.

To go over these defects and limits of the political representation of the class needs, in the movements and its relations, is an important objective for those who want support the process of organization against this dominant system. The enhancement of political experiences like Rostock makes us understand that we must spread over the contents and the practices supporting that political course. We think that all that is hoped and feasible in a large perspective that will be able to create relations between local initiative and independent forms of political cooperation and coordination. The power work to make this experimentation impracticable, to divide experiences with large critical perspectives of social transformation from independent experiences born from fights with specific objectives. We can't sacrifice the cooperation to false "political reassembling" operations between the areas or to the creation of a "specific organization"; it's better direct the efforts towards common and concrete works and objectives that can lay the foundations for a joint identity, a variety of practices enriching the antagonist courses and an overall political growth, without loose own specific political proposal.