Speech from the Struggle Coordination between Students and Workers from Pisa during the demonstration for Serantini, the 9th of May 1992

(versione in italiano) (versione in tedesco)

It is not necessary to call the ghosts of the past to understand because on liquidates the "social state" in Italy. It is not a going backwards, on the contrary it is a step forwards made by the imperialistic state to conform itself to the new international conditions. Each imperialist state makes this step, some have already made it (thanks to Tatcher, to Reagan and his successors, to Mitterand and Soares; Germany made the best business wiping up in one shot the social state of GDR).

For Italy there are more resistances to operate this change because of the rigid clientelar system and because of the rests of the old social pact born from the resistance.

It is also not necessary to mention the fascist danger to explain the running repressive actions: in Los Angeles there was no KKK, but the marines of Bush; the beaters at the Expo of Seville were no falangists but the police of the socialist Soares; nor are the repression forces in Italy at the service of Fini (MSI) or Bossi (Lega); nor those in France are paid by Le Pen... In short: the repressive action is made in first person by the democracies without using authoritarian systems or reactionary forces.

What to say about the "danger coming from the right"? We get already a suspect when those who shout louder are the socialists and the christdemocrats all over Europe; the suspect is confirmed when one sees that under the pretext of the "front against the authoritarian involution" new social alliances and new political coalitions of the imperialistic state are forming: in Germany, behind the wave of the strikes and the violences of the right, the unions and the socialdemocrats offer themselves to the CDU to rule together "Big Germany". In France there is an enlargement of the left coalition towards the centre of Giscard; in Italy an alliance is shaping between DC-PSI-PDS, with the support of the confederate unions, as the axe around which the others have to conform themselves.

In Europe there is an electoral advance of the right, but this isn't a big danger for the imperialistic democracy, because the vote to the right doesn't represent an uncontrollable and antisystem protest, but it is a corporative vote given on the basis of groups of interests and it doesn't differ from the vote given to the other. This electoral force isn't directly usable for power coalitions, in fact no right party has been called to be a part of it, but it represents organized and frozen social interests waiting to be used in a new social pact expressed by subjects more reliable and more dangerous then the many little 'duci' that pollute Europe.

It is true that there is a mass diffusion of xenophobic, racist and nationalist tendencies, that goes far over their political expression, but these things are not fallen from heaven but they have been prepared during long years of corporativation of the society, including the proletariat, and this is the social effect first of all of the technical and political fragmentation of the class, that is to say its foregoing defeat. This corporative society, where every contradiction rises the division, has been devised by nobody, it affirmed itself spontaneously, thanks to the weakness of the class and of the revolutionary perspectives. The State finds it as a precious present, because it is full of the dominant ideology, but also as one of the objective conditions on which he has to reform himself in order to rule. The other conditions are: the recession, the fall of the East, the migrations, the rise in the violence in the social relations, the unsolvable struggle between the North and the South of the world, the necessity to rebuild the hierarchical balances between the imperialistic powers and under the political and military hegemony of the USA.

A first consideration: the reasons because the various social sectors are protesting are to bring to the greatest common denominator, that is the action of reform of the imperialistic state. It is not possible to oppose its action if each social group attacks on its own, that is to say in a corporative manner; but neither the unity of different interests put one near to the other (as a shopping list, without hierarchy) is effective, this unity is weak because it eternizes the corporative tendency and doesn't imply a common way but only common moment of protest.

The strong unity is that build on a question like: how to demolish the bourgeois state, that during this historical phase has taken the form of the imperialistic bourgeoisie. Even if this may appear as a provocation, the fact is that we cannot choose: either we face this problem, or our movements, antagonistic or not, will end by playing the game of the enemy of the class, because it is already engaged in rebuilding its strategic unity.

A second and last consideration is that the reform of the imperialistic italian state is inevitable and necessary because on the internationale level the whole imperialism is engaged in the reform and every people and the subordinate classes are involved, despite themselves. The critic to the italian state cannot but be a part of the critic to the imperialistic state of the international relationships.

Struggle Coordination between Students and Workers from Pisa

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